We  have been receiving of late several documents from Rwandan opposition leaders outlining their approach to solving the Rwandan political impasse. We  contrasted the introduction, discourse, and conclusion from two documents AfroAmerica Network considers to be compelling enough. We found interesting how the authors of the the two documents have almost the same vision. The only major point of discordance is  the opinion on the responsibility of the Rwandan Patriotic Front in the Rwandan tragedy.

One was written by a group of Tutsi, former high ranking leaders of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) including a  General, former Army Chief of Staff, a General Secretary of the RPF, a former Intelligence Chief and a former Prosecutor (Attorney) General. Obviously are careful enough not to incriminate the RPF, perhaps not to implicate themselves. According to sources, this document was presented to the British intelligence and foreign office services by Colonel Patrick Karegeya during a recent trip in London in this past August 2010. It was also proposed during a briefing of Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa by  relevant services in Washington, DC this August 2010.

The other was written by a Hutu, one of the leaders of the armed opposition organization, Rally for Unity and Democracy (RUD-Urunana). The responsibility of the RPF is obvious, but the document also points more to individual responsibility than to an ethnic group.

But the most important is that the solutions they propose are consistent and basically  they adopt the same approach.

You may find the two documents  by clicking on the links here:

1) Rwanda Briefing by General Kayumba Nyamwasa, Former Rwandan Army Chief of Staff and Ambassador to India; Col. Patrick Karegeya, Former Chief of External Security Services; Dr Theogene Rudasingwa Former Secretary General, RPF, Ambassador to the United States and Chief of Staff to the President,  and Gerald Gahima, Former Prosecutor General of the Republic of Rwanda and Vice President of the Supreme Court .

2) Beyond Ethnic Politics and Fear: Hutus, Tutsis, and Ethnic Identity in Rwanda by Felicien Kanyamibwa, PhD, Secretary General of  Rally for Unity and Democracy (RUD-Urunana) and President of National Democratic Congress (NDC), the coalition between RUD-Urunana and Rally for the Rwandan People (RPR-Inkeragutabara).

©AfroAmerica Network, 2010

Retired Lt. Colonel Rose Kabuye has been fired from her Chief of State Protocol position by Rwandan President Paul Kagame, sources in Rwanda tell AfroAmerica Network. She was replaced by  Kalisa Tunga.

Rose Kabuye was born in Muvumba, Rwanda in 1961.  While serving as  Chief State Protocol she was arrested in Frankfurt, Germany for her alleged involvement in the shooting down the plane and the assassination of the late Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira.  The arrest followed the indictment by the French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere.

For More visit AfroAmerica Network Pages (http://www.afroamerica.net) in  Rwanda and DR Congo Pages.

©AfroAmerica Network, 2010

Rwandan and DRC Governments have reacted on the report by the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights. In the report, the UN accuses Rwanda Patriotic Army composed of Tutsi Extremists ruling Rwanda of having committed a genocide against the Hutu ethnic group, comprising of Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees and Congolese Hutus (See our article: UN Accuses Paul Kagame and His Army of Genocide)

The reactions from both governments can only described as a pile of fallacies, self glorifications, and frankly, in the case of DRC (French),  amateurish compilations …

Well read for yourself  the two rebuttals on http://www.afroamerica.net in out World Events pages. Also a good analysis showing some blatant fallacies in the Rwandan Government arguments can be found at the blog. http://congosiasa.blogspot.com

©AfroAmerica Network, 2010

In the UN Security Council decision SC/10018 of August 31 2010, the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo updated the list of individuals and entities subject to the travel ban and assets freeze imposed by paragraphs 13 and 15 of resolution 1596 (2005) as renewed by paragraph 3 of resolution 1896 (2009) an as proposed by UN Sanctions Committee on  13 August 2010. The Rwandans and Congolese-Rwandans concerned are:

FDLR Leaders:

1- Dr. Ignace Murwanashyaka, FDLR President and supreme commander of the FDLR-FOCA armed forces as of November 29, 2009.

Dr. Ignace Murwanashyaka was arrested by German Federal Police on 17 November 2009 on suspicion of committing crimes against humanity and war crimes in the DRC, as well as on the basis of other charges related to the forming and membership of a foreign terrorist organization”. The UN Security Council accuses him of he following: ” exercises influence over policies, and maintaining command and control over the activities of FDLR forces, one of the armed groups and militias referred to in paragraph 20 of Res. 1493 (2003);  involved in trafficking of arms, in violation of the arms embargo. In telephone communication with FDLR military field commanders (including during the Busurungi May 2009 massacre): gave military orders to the high command: involved in coordinating the transfer of arms and ammunition to FDLR units and relaying specific instructions for use: managing large sums of money raised through illicit sale of natural resources in areas of FDLR control; Travelled to Uganda in 2006 in violation of travel ban”; and “According to the Office of the SRSG on Children and Armed Conflict, he held command responsibility as President and military commander of FDLR for recruitment and use of children by the FDLR in Eastern Congo.”

2- Callixte Mbarushimana, FDLR  Secretary General and Vice-President of FDLR Military High Command . The UN Security Council accuses him of the following: “Political/Military leader of a foreign armed group operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, impeding the disarmament and the voluntary repatriation and resettlement of combatants, per Security Council resolution 1857 (2008) OP 4 (b).”

3- General Sylvestre Mudacumura, As of November 2009,  FDLR-FOCA military commander. The UN Security Council accuses General Mudacumura of the following:

“FDLR commander, exercising influence over policies, and maintaining command and control over the activities of FDLR forces, one of the armed groups and militias referred to in paragraph 20 of Res. 1493 (2003), involved in trafficking of arms, in violation of the arms embargo. Mudacumura (or staff) was in telephone communication with FDLR leader Murwanashyaka in Germany, including at the time of the Busurungi Massacre May 2009, and military commander Major Guillaume during Umoja Wetu and Kimia II operations in 2009.

According to the Office of the SRSG on Children and Armed Conflict, he was responsible for 27 cases of recruitment and use of children by troops under his command in North Kivu from 2002 to 2007.

4 – Straton MUSONI, as of November 2009, FDLR  1st Vice-President and Vice-President of FDLR-FOCA Military High Command. Arrested by German Federal Police on 17 November 2009 on suspicion of committing crimes against humanity and war crimes in the DRC, as well as on the basis of other charges related to the forming and membership of a foreign terrorist organization. The UN Security Council accuses Mr. Straton Musoni of the following: “Through his leadership of the FDLR, a foreign armed group operating in the DRC, Musoni is impeding the disarmament and voluntary repatriation or resettlement of combatants belonging to those groups, in breach of resolution 1649 (2005).”

5- Major General Stanislas NZEYIMANA, FDLR-FOCA Deputy Commander. The UN Security Council accuses him of the following:

Military leader of a foreign armed group operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, impeding the disarmament and the voluntary repatriation and resettlement of combatants, in violation of Security Council resolution 1857 (2008) OP 4 (b). In evidence collated by the UNSC DRC Sanctions Committee Group of Experts, detailed in its report of 13 February 2008, girls recovered from FDLR-FOCA had previously been abducted and sexually abused. Since mid-2007, FDLR-FOCA, which previously recruited boys in their mid to late teens, has been forcefully recruiting youth from the age of 10 years. The youngest are then used as escorts, and older children are deployed as soldiers on the frontline, in violation of Security Council resolution 1857 (2008) OP4 (d) and (e).

6- Brigadier General Stanislas  Mujyambere, FDLR-FOCA Commander of the Second Division of FOCA / the Reserve Brigades (an FDLR armed branch). The UN Security Council accuses him of the following: Military leader of a foreign armed group operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, impeding the disarmament and the voluntary repatriation and resettlement of combatants, in violation of Security Council resolution 1857 (2008) OP 4 (b). In evidence collated by the UNSC DRC Sanctions Committee Group of Experts, detailed in its report of 13 February 2008, girls recovered from FDLR-FOCA had previously been abducted and sexually abused. Since mid-2007, FDLR-FOCA, which previously recruited boys in their mid to late teens, has been forcefully recruiting youth from the age of 10 years. The youngest are then used as escorts, and older children are deployed as soldiers on the frontline, in violation of Security Council resolution 1857 (2008) OP4 (d) and (e).

7- Brigadier General  Pacifique Ntawunguka, FDLR-FOCA Commander of the First Division of FOCA (an FDLR armed branch).

Military leader of a foreign armed group operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, impeding the disarmament and the voluntary repatriation and resettlement of combatants, in violation of Security Council resolution 1857 (2008) OP 4 (b). In evidence collated by the UNSC DRC Sanctions Committee Group of Experts, detailed in its report of 13 February 2008, girls recovered from FDLR-FOCA had previously been abducted and sexually abused. Since mid-2007, FDLR-FOCA, which previously recruited boys in their mid to late teens, has been forcefully recruiting youth from the age of 10 years. The youngest are then used as escorts, and older children are deployed as soldiers on the frontline, in violation of Security Council resolution 1857 (2008) OP4 (d) and (e).

Congolese-Rwandans

8- General Laurent Nkunda, despite arrest in Rwanda in January 2009 and removal as President of CNDP, retains some control over CNDP and its international network. Accused by UN Security Council as follows: “Former RCD-G General. Joined forces with other renegade elements of former RCD-G to take Bukavu in May 04 by force. In receipt of weapons outside of FARDC in violation of the arms embargo.

Founder, National Congress for the People’s Defense, 2006; Senior Officer, Rally for Congolese Democracy- Goma (RCD-G), 1998- 2006; Officer Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), 1992-1998.

According to the Office of the SRSG on Children and Armed Conflict, he was responsible for 264 cases of recruitment and use of children by troops under his command in North Kivu from 2002 to 2009.”

9- General  Bosco TAGANDA, de facto military head of CNDP following arrest of General Laurent Nkunda in January 2009.  The UN Security Council accuses him of the following: “UPC/L military commander, exercising influence over policies and maintaining command and control over the activities of UPC/L, one of the armed groups and militias referred to in paragraph 20 of Res. 1493 (2003), involved in the trafficking of arms, in violation of the arms embargo. He was appointed General in the FARDC in December 2004 but refused to accept the promotion, therefore remaining outside of the FARDC. Since appointment as the de facto military head of CNDP in January 2009, has been instructed to manage integration into FARDC and given the post of deputy operational commander for Kimia II although this is officially denied by FARDC. According to the Office of the SRSG on Children and Armed Conflict, he was responsible for recruitment and use of children in Ituri in 2002 and 2003, and 155 cases of direct and/or command responsibility for recruitment and use of children in North Kivu from 2002 to 2009; As CNDP Chief of Staff, had direct and command responsibility for the massacre at Kiwanja (November 2008).”

10- Colonel Jules Mutebusi. Former FARDC Deputy  Military Regional Commander. Arrested by the Rwandan authorities in December 2007 when he tried to cross the border into the DRC. Reportedly he is currently “restrained.” UN Security Council accuses Jules Mutebusi as follows: “Deputy Military Regional Commander of 10th MR in April 2004, dismissed for indiscipline and joined forces with other renegade elements of former RCD- G to take town of Bukavu in May 04 by force. Implicated in the receipt of weapons outside of FARDC structures and provision of supplies to armed groups and militia mentioned in paragraph 20 of Res. 1493 (2003), in violation of the arms embargo.”

11- Douglas Iruta Mpamo, Owner/Manager of the Compagnie Aérienne des Grands Lacs and of Great Lakes Business Company. UN Security Council accuses him as follows: “whose aircraft were used to provide assistance to armed groups and militias referred to in paragraph 20 of Res. 1493 (2003). Also responsible for disguising information on flights and cargo apparently to allow for the violation of the arms embargo.”

The  entire list may be found at the UN Website.

©AfroAmerica Network, August  2010

AfroAmerica Network has obtained a leaked copy of the report by the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights  accusing the Rwandan Tutsi Army led by General Paul Kagame of genocide against Hutu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).  In the report, details are given on how the Rwandan Patriotic Army, controlled by extremists from the minority ethnic Tutsis,  allied with congolese rebels of the AFDL and the Burundian Tutsi Army (FAB) targeted and systematically massacred Rwandan Hutu refugees and Congolese Hutu, including women, elderly, and babies with the intent of exterminating them. The Rwandan Army specially targeted Hutu of masculine gender, including babies, killing them with machetes, metals, knives, hoes, and other instruments.  Both Rwandan Hutu refugees and Congolese Hutu nationals were targeted by setting up checkpoints to identify Hutus, based on their physical traits, from interrogations and torture.

The report specifically documents the premeditated, systematic, and precise methodological approach to exterminate Hutus, which constitutes genocide.

Below are a few paragraphs from the report. AfroAmerica  Network will continue to publish more paragraphs as time permits:

Para 513. At the time of the incidents covered by this report, the Hutu population in Zaire, including refugees from Rwanda, constituted an ethnic group as defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Moreover, as shown previously, the intention to destroy a group in part is sufficient to be classified as a crime of genocide. Finally, the courts have also confirmed that the destruction of a group can be limited to a particular geographical area. It is therefore possible to assert that, even if only a part of the Hutu population in Zaire was targeted and destroyed, it could nonetheless constitute a crime of genocide, if this was the intention of the perpetrators. Finally, several incidents listed also seem to confirm that the numerous attacks were targeted at members of the Hutu ethnic group as such. Although, at certain times, the aggressors said they were looking for the criminals responsible for the genocide committed against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the majority of the incidents reported indicate that the Hutus were targeted as such, with no discrimination between them. The numerous attacks against the Hutus in Zaire, who were not part of the refugees, seem to confirm that it was all Hutus, as such, who were targeted. The crimes committed in particular in Rutshuru (30 October 1996) and Mugogo (18 November 1996), in North Kivu, highlight the specific targeting of the Hutus, since people who were able to persuade the aggressors that they belonged to another ethnic group were released just before the massacres. The systematic use of barriers by the AFDL/APR/FAB, particularly in South Kivu, enabled them to identify people of Hutu origin by their name or village of origin and thus to eliminate them. Hundreds of people of Hutu origin are thus thought to have been arrested at a barrier erected in November 1996 in Ngwenda, in the Rutshuru territory, and subsequently executed by being beaten with sticks in a place called Kabaraza. In South Kivu, AFDL/APR/FAB soldiers erected numerous barriers on the Ruzizi plain to stop Rwandan and Burundian refugees who had been dispersed after their camps had been dismantled.

For More visit AfroAmerica Network in World Events Pages (http://www.afroamerica.net).

Sources in Rwanda tell AfroAmerica Network that another top Rwandan military officer was arrested in Kigali today. The military officer, Lt Colonel  Steven Ngabo Rugigana is the brother of General Kayumba Nyamwasa. General Kayumba Nyamwasa was a victim of an assassination attempt on June 19, 2010 in Johannesburg, South Africa where he has sought exile (see our article here ).

The South African Government pointed a finger to intelligence operatives from Rwanda as responsible for the failed assassination. This led to a strain in the two governments relations; The South African Government eventually recalled its Ambassador to Rwanda (see our article here and here).

For more visit AfroAmerica Network Rwanda and RDC Pages (http://www.afroamerica.net)

©AfroAmerica Network

After a week of embarrassment, followed by hesitation and deafening silence, the United States Government has finally given its opinion on the results of the latest Rwandan presidential elections: condemning the dictator while encouraging the people.

Another surprise: instead of the State Department, the US National Security Council, through the its spokesperson Mike Hammer, gave the official statement.  This is rather odd, as this kind of statement should have come from the State Department.  The National Security Council (NSC), an organ attached to the Whitehouse, is the “President’s principal forum for considering national security and foreign policy matters with his senior national security advisors and cabinet officials.”

In fact, in the Daily Press briefing of Monday August 9, 2010, Philip J. Crowley Assistant Secretary of State held the following exchange:

For More Read on AfroAmerica Network  in Rwanda and RDC Pages (http://www.afroamerica.net)

©AfroAmerica Network

By David O’Brian, AfroAmerica Network Editor.
Cartoon: credit AgaculamamuKibunda

AfroAmerica Network has been following with ambivalence the election process in Rwanda. Ambivalence because for one, in the absence of a serious challenge, Paul Kagame was a sure successor to himself, and most importantly because, despite our persistent criticisms of how Paul Kagame is leading Rwanda, AfroAmerice Network wanted Paul Kagame to win. Why AfroAmerica Network wanted Paul Kagame, an notorious dictator to win? Because we believe that, with the win, Paul Kagame may redeem himself and show to the world, once for all, whether he is a true leader, who would earn his lasting place among the legendary greatest African leaders of the past or he is a modern day African despot who failed to take this opportunity to leave an immortal legacy. With his upcoming mandate, Paul Kagame has the chance to elevate himself to the ranks of Mandela and Sundiata Keita. If he fails, he will go in history as a brutal dictator, the like of Idi Amin of Uganda and Tippu Tip (Hamad bin Muhammad bin Jumah bin Rajab bin Muhammad bin Said al-Murghabi) , the notorious black governor in Zanzibar, Eastern Africa, a slave trader who sold his people.

To get a good feeling about the elections in Rwanda, we travelled to Washington, DC and talked to political analysts, human rights organizations, and Rwandan exiled opposition leaders, including Hutus and Tutsis. While all agreed that things must change in Rwanda, they overwhelmingly disagreed on what must be done. These disagreements were frustrating at best, but also an indication of the complexity of the political situation in Rwanda.

In Washington, DC, questions are being raised about the future of US policy towards Rwanda. Experts are mostly asking the US to press Paul Kagame on opening up to the real opposition or else face sanctions (see some of our articles in our African Great Lakes and Rwanda and DRC pages ). Human Rights organizations are simply asking the US to stop any aid until palpable and meaningful political changes are made. Rwandan Hutu opposition leaders are also divided. Some see the new term of Paul Kagame as a chance for a new beginning, but most see the condemnation in the media and by Western governments as a lifeline to the opposition. Tutsi opposition leaders confided to AfroAmerica Network that it may be a matter of months before General Paul Kagame is overthrown by his own ethnic comrades who dominate all the political, military, economical, and social structures. The majority of Tutsis contacted by AfroAmerica Network are excited about Kagame’s win, but are unanimous about one thing: it is time for a new era, an era of tackling unresolved challenges.

I pondered what to make of these contradictions and the Rwandan sectarian politics and got lost in my thoughts while driving between Washington, DC and Baltimore. Then I was brought to reality by a sudden stop of the traffic. In front of me was a huge truck. On the bumper was sticker with an inscription in large red characters: “What Would Jesus Do?” This struck me and I asked myself the question: “What would Paul Kagame Do?”

I have been writing about General Paul Kagame, denouncing his politics, his dictatorial ways of dealing with Rwandan political opposition, dissenters, and the media. In my earlier writings, I have attempted to propose some of the solutions as I saw it. But the bumper sticker at that moment made my quest about Rwanda politics hit home even more. The question lingered on my mind this morning of August 11, 2010, as I was listening to the interviews by National Public Radio Morning Edition journalist and host Renee Montagne of the Rwandan President Paul Kagame and the program by NPR All Things Considered journalist Michele Kelemen on August 9, 2010.
The NPR All Things Considered program: As Rwanda Voters Decide, Questions About US Policy (here) explained the challenges the US Government faces with Paul Kagame’s leadership and the NPR Morning Edition: LandSlide Win Gives Rwanda’s Kagame Another Term (here) interview challenged Paul Kagame and reminded him of the overwhelming condemnation.
Renee Montagne drew the attention of Paul Kagame that 90 % of votes indicates the lack of without opposition is not serious and asked why at this point in time he does not allow the opposition. Paul Kagame, instead of agreeing to the make things better, went on the defensive, accusing opposition of weakness and blaming all faults on the opposition leaders. But Renee Montagne pointed out that Paul Kagame is the one responsible for the situation by repressing and suppressing the opposition politicians.
Then, Renee Montagne concluded by warning Paul Kagame of the negative legacy he may leave behind: “an authoritarian leader with a vision” or “a benevolent dictator.”
This warning reminds of the tarnished image Paul Kagame has now in Washington, DC , in the media and around the World and this is what he should try to get rid off as he starts a new term. But, what “Would Paul Kagame Do?” to get rid of this negative image. To answer this, I will go back to my bumper sticker and think of what Jesus would do.

COURAGE TO FACE THE TRUTH
Kagame needs tremendous political courage to face the truth. The tide is turning against him and his image has at the late received a beating. UK and US are asking questions and wondering what is next. Human rights organizations are pressuring their governments to do something (see here) He is running a divided house, his friends are abandoning him, his supporters are on the defensive, and his enemies are emboldened. It is not time for being on the defensive, it is time to own the mistakes made and correct them.

EMBRACE FORMER ENEMIES
Kagame needs more political skills than ever before. He needs to embrace his worst traditional enemies and convert them into allies, if he wants to avert the alliance between his new and old enemies. I attended some discussions in which there were questions of seeing Kagame form a new government where opposition leaders, both from armed groups and unarmed political organizations would play prominent roles. Some in the meetings wondered how this is possible when the leaders of the four main opposition groups have serious problems with President Paul Kagame and his Tutsi government: FDLR leaders, Ignace Murwanashyaka and Straton Musoni are in jail in Germany, FDU president, Victore Ingabire is accused of crimes, PSI President, John Bosco Ntaganda is in prison, RUD-Urunana leaders, John Mary Vianney Higiro and Felicien Kanyamibwa are accused by the Rwandan Government of seeking to overthrow the government. However, most agreed that that is where Paul Kagame can show his political acumen and leadership skills: by inviting one or all of these political organizations to participate in his government, at the highest level,. FRELIMO of Mozambique accepted to negotiate with RENAMO and integrate most of its political leaders and soldiers. Paul Kagame and RPF can do the same with FDLR and RUD-Urunana and integrate most of their political leaders and soldiers. Like Buyoya of Burundi, he can accept to split his term in half, becoming President in the first half, and Vice -President in the second, while an opposition figure becomes a Vice-President in the first half and President in the second half.

KNOW WHEN TO EXIT.

One of the main qualities recognized in Jesus is that he knew when his time on Earth was up. A true leader knows when it is time to let other take up the mantle of leadership. They approach that time with great anticipation, knowing that they have done their best and are ready to enjoy their lives as respected and admired elders and sages.

The discussions we had with politicians and political analysts in Washington, DC on this issue centered on the dilemma Paul Kagame faces: the Spanish and French indictments, the American pending case, and CPI. However, some found that by embracing former enemies and agreeing to exit in the near future, Paul Kagame may negotiate an honorable exit. Several African presidents did it, according to some interlocutors: Jerry Rawlings of Ghana, Pierre Buyoya of Burundi, Frederik DeClerk of South Africa. In the meetings and conversations, most people pointed to these leaders who, after overseeing governments accused of horrendous crimes, agreed to share power with their sworn enemies, some exiting in their mid-term, and leaving the country leadership to the former enemies, either becoming deputy (Frederik DeKlerk) or just taking care of other businesses (Jerry Rawlings). The conditions were: amnesty from persecution for all past political crimes, real or perceived.

The solutions negotiated and worked out in all these countries helped to set up a peaceful transition to democracy. Ghana, Mozambique, and South Africa are now perhaps the most successful democratic governments in Africa. Jerry Rawlings, Frederik DeClerk and Pierre Buyoya remain among the most admired leaders in Africa, who had the courage to face the truth, embrace their former enemies, and know when to exit. If they did, Paul Kagame and his RPF also can.
As I was writing this article, I heard the Rwandan Government has asked human rights activist to help review some of the most repressive laws in the Rwandan judicial system. It is a start. But laws may not serve anything if the people who enforce them are questionable. Laws need credible institutions. Credible institutions allow for owning up to the truth, dissent and periodic changes in leaders.

By David O’Brian, AfroAmerica Network Editor
©AfroAmerica Network. All Rights Reserved. August 11, 2010.

Rwandan Intelligence Operative  Captain Francis Gakwerere: A Resume of a Professional Assassin

The South African Ambassador to Rwanda, Gladstone Dumisani Gwadiso, has been recalled for consultations to Johannesburg, the South African Director General of Foreign Affairs, Ayanda Ntsaluba, told the press in Johannesburg today. The recall deepens the simmering row between  Rwanda and South Africa. The row followed the failed assassination attempt against the exiled Rwandan General Kayumba Nyamwasa. On July 1, 2101 the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, through the Director  General of Foreign Affairs Ayanda Ntsaluba, implicated  the “Intelligence Operatives” of the government of a “Foreign Country” in the failed assassination attempt against the exiled Rwandan General Kayumba Nyamwasa.

Sources close to both Rwandan Intelligence and South African Police had told AfroAmerica Network that the foreign country is “Rwanda.”

A few days later, the Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister, Ms. Louise Mushikiwabo, filed an official complaint with the South African Ambassador to Rwanda.

On June 21, 2010 article (click here: Rwandan RPA Officer Suspected in Assassination Attempt) and June 22, 2010 article (click here: General Kazura Allegedly Implicated in Assassination Attempt) AfroAmerica Network was among the first to disclose, based on the sources in Rwanda and South Africa, the implication of the Rwandan Military hierarchy and Rwandan Intelligence Operatives in the assassination plot. This was later confirmed by other news outlets and social media.

These sources had told AfroAmerica Network that the South African police had arrested a group of six suspects, mostly ex Rwandan Patriotic Army officers. Two of the suspects were subsequently released.  Later, a fifth person, a Rwandan,  was also arrested  and charged with conspiracy to commit murder (click here: Rwandan Dossier Against Kayumba and Karenzi: Part 3).  The suspects allegedly implicated General Jean Bosco Kazura as the ring leader of the conspiracy to assassinate the Rwandan General Kayumba Nyamwasa.

The first person to be arrested was a former Rwandan military intelligence officer, Captain Francis Gakwerere.  Captain Francis Gakwerere was  then released, pending further investigations, as he did not seem to be the actual shooter or to be immediately linked to the shooting. He was required to report to the police later on. But when those detained started talking, the South African Police could not find Francis Gakwerere. He had vanished and was later found in Rwanda.

And that is where the contradictions and the holes in his story began.

For more on the story visit AfroAmerica Network in African Great Lakes Pages (http://www.afroamerica.net)

©AfroAmerica Network, All Rights Reserved., 2010