AfroAmerica Network

Over the year  2008, Rwandan rebels based in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) engaged in negotiations with the DRC government with the facilitation of the the Catholic Organization, Sant’Egidio Community and the Norwegian SIK. The rebel organizations involved included the mostly Hutu Rally for Unity and Democracy (RUD-Urunana) and the mostly Tutsi Rally for the Rwandan People (RPR), led mainly by  former Rwandan Patriotic Army officers.

According to the cables released by Wikileaks, the US Embassy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo was closely following the negotiations and provided opinions on RUD and RPR leaders, especially Felicien Kanyamibwa, Jean Marie Vianney Higiro, Augustine Dukuze, General Musare and another only labeled “Jean Michel”.

In one of the cable marked Sensitive  describing the events of May 26, 2008 in Kisangani, the US Embassy in Kinshasa says: ” … attended the May 26 Kisangani meeting at which the  GDRC and elements from FDLR-RUD and the RPR made public a document  (copy to be e-mailed to AF/C) related to these armed groups’  disarmament and repatriation or resettlement, previously worked out  in meetings in Italy.  The meeting was ceremonial, lasted  approximately two hours, and featured principally speeches from  representatives from the GDRC, the international community, and the  armed groups hailing the agreement.”

The cables then focuses on the leadership and notes: “ Less clear were the identities of the members of the FDLR  in attendance, who appeared to number approximately 25-30.  A few of  their wives and children also came to the conference.  The FDLR-RUD  leaders Felicien Kanyamibwa and Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro were not  obviously present (Note: Kanyamibwa signed the roadmap at the Rome  meeting May 9 in the name of the “National Congress for Democracy”  which appears to be a melding of the FDLR-RUD, the RPR, and perhaps  other elements as well. End note) MONUC and GDRC representatives  told us in advance that it would be primarily members of the RUD who  would come to the conference, though a few FOCA members were  reportedly present as well. 

Sources close to the French and Spanish judiciary and the Rwandan Embassy in New York have informed AfroAmerica Network that some of the Rwandan President’s closest aides set to accompany the President during his official trip to France planned for September 13, 2011 have been barred from entering France or were refused visa.

Most of these officials are among those indicted by Spain for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Others are  on the list of  the alleged criminals the French judiciary is investigating for the assassination of the former Rwandan and Burundian  Presidents Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the current military junta ruling Rwanda. Set to be  issued earlier this year ,  in March 2011, the indictments were pushed  back for May 2011 and then to after the planned historic visit of the Rwandan President to France.

Those who were refused the visa include Dan Munyuza, the Director of  External Intelligence and General Karenzi Karake, the head of National Intelligence and Security Services, Gasana Rurayi, Frank Bakunzi, and Wilson Gaboniza.

Expressing his frustration with the Spanish indictments, today, while addressing the leaders of the Rwandan judiciary system, the Rwandan President General Paul Kagame openly accused  Spain and Western governments of arrogance and the Spanish judge Fernando Andreu Mirelles of being irresponsible and irrational  and having issued the indictments recklessly and with political motives. General Paul Kagame added that the indictments are aimed at hindering international traveling by his closest aides.

President Paul Kagame also disclosed that some of the alleged criminals have attempted to hand themselves to international judiciary systems but were not arrested or tried. According to the New York  Rwandan Embassy sources, he was alluding to General Karake Karenzi, who was not indicted by the ICTR Chief Prosecutor Hassan Jallow (see our article: Will The New ICTR Prosecutor Focus on Rwandan RPF Crimes?).

 In the last years, as most countries are executing the Spanish indictments, several aides of the the Rwandan president were either detained or expelled from the countries. These includes: Colonel Rugumya Gacinya expelled from the USA, General James Kabarebe arrested and expelled from South Africa, Cesar Kayizari and Dan Gapfizi expelled from the USA, General Karenzi Karake, fired from the UN Peace Keeping operations.

The French Judiciary system is expected to issue its own indictments after General Paul Kagame’s visit, whereas the United Nations Security Council  is expected to ask the new ICTR Chief to open cases against the Rwandan Patriotic Front.

©AfroAmerica Network. September 2011

For the month of September 2011, the UN Security Council is expected to adopt a resolution appointing the Chief Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). The ICTR is based in Arusha, Tanzania and was created to prosecute war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide committed in Rwanda over the year 1994, at the peak of the 1990-1994 Rwandan civil war.

The new Chief Prosecutor will replace the controversial Hassan Jallow, widely accused of being too close to the Rwandan government, and hence stifling cases against alleged criminals within the current Rwandan government and instead focusing on the Hutu ethnic group. The accusations become louder during his reappointment in September 2007 and especially in December 2008, when he refused to prosecute a member of the current Rwandan ruling military junta for crimes against humanity and war crimes.

On December 9, 2008, UN Human Rights Commissioner Navi Pillay disclosed to media at the UN that she had leveled accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity against a Rwandan general, Karenzi Karake. Ms. Navi Pillay  stated than  Hassan Jallow refused to pursue the case, alleging that” he had no case against” the Rwandan general.  When the UN Human Rights Commissioner became too vocal, Hassan Jallow said he did not know who the general was, then later contradicted himself by saying that he had done investigations and found no evidence of crimes. General Karake was then serving as a commander of UN Peace Keepers in Darfur, Sudan.

It is expected that one of the missions of the new ICTR Chief  prosecutor will be to prosecute the war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide committed during the 1990-1994 Rwandan civil war against the ethnic Hutu majority  by the current ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front composed of the elite from the  Tutsi minority ethnic group. To date, the ICTR has only prosecuted crimes committed by the former Hutu leaders.

With the new UN Resolution, Hassan Jallow still has the chance to be reappointed, either by a change in ICTR statutes or for a shorter term while his replacement is being found or the tribunal work is being phased out. He has already served for the allowable maximum two  four-year terms.  Sources within the Rwandan Embassy at the United Nations in New York have told AfroAmerica Network that the Rwandan government has been lobbying the UN Secretary General and other UN Security members  to get Hassan Jallow reappointed and the ICTR closed within a short delay.

©2011 AfroAMerica Network, All rights reserved.

Sources within MONUSCO, the UN keeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)  inform AfroAmerica Network that MONUSCO employees were arrested last night by the Congolese National Intelligence Agancy. The employees are suspected of being part of a criminal  network involved in illegal logging and trafficking of natural resources, especially minerals, across the DRC territory.

DRC is one of the richest countries in the World in natural resources, including gold, diamond, coltan, uranium, copper, timber, etc. Coltan or columbite-tantalite is the main mineral used in consumer electronics such as cell phones, DVD players, video players, computers, etc.   and is found mostly in the DRC. The high prices of Coltan has fueled bloody armed conflicts in the region, with neighboring countries, mainly Rwanda, invading DRC on several occasions and maintaining a permanent occupation of the Eastern part of DRC to date.

Rwanda has been consistently accused by the United Nations and other non government organizations of being the hub of illegal exploitation and exportation of the congolese natural resources.

According to the sources, a MONSUCO employee  was arrested driving a MONUSCO truck carrying more than a ton and half of coltan from the DRC to  Rwanda, in bags of 50 kilos each. Congolese officials have said they will conduct a swift investigation of the illegal export to Rwanda. Meanwhile, MONUSCO officials have promised a thorough investigation of the criminal network within its employees. MONUSCO vehicles are usually immune from search while crossing the border of Rwanda and DRC.

In the recent months, there have been a lot of cases of illicit mineral trafficking involving Rwanda. On July 28, 2011, soldiers and their commanders within the Congolese army, FARDC, were apprehended trying to smuggle 10 tons of coltan to Rwanda. Before that, a plane carrying minerals worth US$ 20 million was grounded in Eastern DRC.  The money and the mineral were seized by the commanders of CNDP, a FARDC faction allied with Rwandan Defense Forces.

In this case, the DRC government appears to accuse MONUSCO of laxity and calls on MONUSCO officials  to “assume full responsibility” to prevent such failures from recurring.

©2011 AfroAmerica Network.

In our previous discourses titled the Dilemma of Dictators Part I and Part II, we contrasted a few African dictators with a figure from the Hebrew Bible and looked at the dilemmas faced by dictators. We then put forward propositions on how to overcome the dilemmas. Since then, a lot happened.  Laurent Gdagbo of Ivory Coast is history. Muammar Gaddafi of Libya is on his way out. Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen has been out of the country for 10 weeks, after being seriously injured  during an uprising. Bashar Al-Assad of Syria appears to be next head to fall. Yoweri Museveni of Uganda faces a growing popular uprising and in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo, planned rigged elections are threatened by more violence, especially if Joseph Kabila, who changed the constitution, maintains himself in power.

The question we asked and continue to ask is: why do dictators postpone the inevitable to end up being forced out in bloodshed?

In this third part, we urge dictators to break the cycle of violence and fade away in peace, instead of being haunted by ghosts of crimes for years n dark cells, if not killed in the process,  suffering the fate of the Samuel Doe’s.  The solutions we proposed in the two previous discourses are simple and easy to implement.  The premises of our solutions were summarized in a few steps. Dictators need to:

• Ask themselves why they sought power in the first place.
• Remember that their predecessors were also once as mighty.
• Remember that is takes more courage to sit with the opposition figures than to assassinate, try to fight or impose violence on them.  It takes even more courage to work with the genuine opposition than to be surrounded by cronies, relatives, and the likes.

One of the notorious African dictators, Yoweri Museveni, agreed with us in his statement “Libya Needs Dialogue. “ (see our articles: The Dilemma of Dictators Part I and Part II,). He outlined his approach to resolving the conflict and hence preempting the fate faced by Muammar Gaddafi, Bashar Al-Assad, Laurent Gdagbo and the likes. As a disclaimer, we do not think Yoweri Museveni has followed his own advice. However,  at least he gave a cannon feeder to the Ugandan opposition leaders who would like to take him at his own words.

According to Yoweri Museveni, dictators need to sit and negotiate with the opposition before it becomes an insurrection and competitive multi-party systems and strong institutions are the inevitable way forward. Yoweri Museveni insists that  dialogue with the true opposition, including an armed opposition remains paramount.

Now, why do dictators think they may get away with repressing or suppressing the opposition and the popular aspirations instead of listening, changing where needed and subjecting themselves to the will of the people?

Perhaps because they do not ask themselves why they are in power, do not remember they are just mortals and assume they are the only option the people have. When they come to their senses, it is often too little too late.

Suppose the following had happened:

• Laurent Gbagbo could have said: “OK, I know I won elections. But because the power belongs to the people and the people want me to go, I go.” He would be a free hero by now and his wife will be ready to contest the next elections. Instead he chose to fight on against all odds, was captured like a rat and nobody knows what will be the fate of him, his wife and his son.
• Muammar Gaddafi could have said at the onset: “You, the opposition. Libya belongs to all of us. Let us sit, talk about your aspirations. If it appears that Libya will be well off without me, I am ready to step aside. In any case, I am committed to change.” He would have left power on his terms to enjoy his massive wealth. Instead he ignored the opposition plea, underestimated the resolve of the super powers and chose to fight on,  losing his son in the process. Now, he is about to leave power covered by shame, if he and his remaining sons and daughters survive.
• Bashar Al-Assad had until a week ago the chance to say: “OK, enough bloodshed among the Syrians. You want reforms. I do too. Let us get together and talk about what needs to be changed.” He could have been hailed as a reformer and probably earn more years of power. Instead, his troops tortured and killed small boys, insurgency is growing and superpowers have decided to coalesce against him. He is now a gone case.

Now, why dictators and would be dictators do not learn from these cases.  Why Yoweri Museveni has failed to open a dialogue with the leaders of Ugandan People Congress (UPC),  FDC,  the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) and the Allied Defense Forces (ADF-NALU). During the dialogue, it will be decided by Ugandans how crimes committed by LRA and ADF-NALU leaders will be handled. Anyway, Yoweri Museveni himself, despite his good rhetoric, is not an angel. He will have to account for the Luwero triangle massacres committed by the Rwandans fighting under his command.

In the same vein, why General Paul Kagame of Rwanda does not sit with the unarmed opposition of FUD, RNC, PS Imberakuri, Gree Party,  but also with the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR), Rally for Unity and Democracy (RUD-Urunana), Rally for the Rwandan People (RPR), and the alleged Kayumba-Karegeya armed group. Crimes attributed to FDLR leaders will be covered during the dialogue. So will be the crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity and war crimes attributed to General Paul Kagame and his army by the United Nations and the French and Spanish courts.

Why Joseph Kabila, instead of changing the constitution, does not let the electoral process take its course?

Why Abdulaye Wade of Senegal instead of seeking to violate the constitution, does not let the electoral process take its course?

Why postponing the inevitable?

© August 2011. AfroAmerica Network.

On August 17, 2011, the trial at the Hague of Callixte Mbarushamina, the Executive Secretary of FDLR, was postponed. The schedule for the week was to hold public hearings to confirm charges against Callixte Mbarushimana. At the end of the public hearings, the ICC’s Pre-Trial Chamber  was to decide whether or not to confirm all or any of the charges brought against the suspect by the Prosecutor and, if confirmed, to commit him for trial before a Trial Chamber. Subsequently, the  judges at The Hague-based court had to decide within  60 days whether there are grounds to move to trial.

Suddenly, the judges postponed the open hearings despite the objections raised by Callixte Mbarushimana’s lawyer,  arguing that these could not be conducted fairly due to “disclosure related issues”.   Since January 2011, the defense lawyer has submitted several requests for an order to preserve the impartiality of proceedings and for interim releases, which have all been rejected.

According to sources close to the trial, the postponement is rather due to shaky case of the prosecution against the FDLR leaders. It appears that the prosecutor has tough time linking the FDLR leaders to crimes they are accused of.

In fact, the trial of  other FDLR rebel leaders Ignace Murwanashyaka and Straton Musoni  started in Germany in May 2011 but had  also to be also postponed.  Like  Callixte Mbarushiman, they are accused with counts of crimes against humanity and of war crimes.

After conducting investigations in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and getting testimonies from witnesses and experts, German prosecutors found out that the evidences against Ignace Murwanashyaka and Straton Musoni appeared weak. The  only promising  counts are those related to command responsibility  for Ignace Murwanashyaka as the FDLR president and for  doing nothing to bring those responsible of the crimes to justice.  The case against Straton Musoni appears even weaker due to lack of  documented involvement in  FDLR military operations.

It appears that both the ICT and German Prosecution are facing an uphill battle in the trial of  the FDLR leaders and the trials are facing more hurdles than anticipated.

© 2011 AfroAmerica Network

“We’re going to focus more on the threats to national security,”  Navy Capt. Edward Bradfield, AFRICOM’s regional chief for western and central Africa told the media after the US Defense announced deep cuts in spending, due to US budget constraints.

The cuts will not only impact several AFRICOM programs initiated under the concept of “soft power” military strategy, but also may eliminate most of the social programs especially in the areas of healthcare provided  to African countries. One of those programs at risk is the HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment for armed troops in some 31 African countries.

Among the countries to be impacted by the cuts are Rwanda and Uganda. Rwanda and Uganda have among the highest HIV/AIDS infection rates in the World among their military. AFRICOM has been footing most of the healthcare bill for the Rwandan military units, especially those involved in peace keeping operations in Sudan and Haiti.

On Monday August 15, 2011, David Knack, AFRICOM strategy specialist, told African health care workers invited on a five-day conference in Stuttgart, Germany where AFRICOM is  headquartered, that AFRICOM will most certainly focus on  protecting the US homeland and preventing terrorist safe havens on African continent than on the controversial social programs.

AFRICOM officials made clear that if and when the US Defense funds HIV/AIDS programs, these will have to be linked directly to U.S. national security interests.

“Peace and security in the eastern Congo remain elusive… and we believe that Rwanda continues to have a critical and proactive role to play in stabilizing the region,”  Donald Koran, soon to be the US Ambassador to Rwanda told US senators during his conformation hearing.

He also praised the Rwandan dictator, General Paul Kagame, for his  support of the international military, political and diplomatic efforts to overthrow  the regime of Libyan dictator Moammar Ghadaffi.

The new U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda, Donald W. (“Don”) Koran,  who will be replacing the more political and career diplomat, W. Stuart Symington, was nominated by President Obama in April 2011 and is viewed as an intelligence expert.

His career spans academia, as a visiting professor at Tulane University, government and private sector, as staff economist for the Federal Trade Commission and director of research for the National Cable Television Association.  He joined the Foreign affairs service in 1984. Since then, he has held several appointments focusing on West and Central Africa, especially in intelligence and research.

 His last tour in Rwanda was at the height of the civil war, from 1997-2001. He was at the US Embassy in Rwanda as deputy chief of mission, when the current Rwandan regime led by  the elite from the Tutsi ethnic minority was fighting an insurgency by rebels from the Hutu ethnic majority.    The Hutu rebels were eventually defeated and fled to the East of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where they remain to date.

The return of Donald Koran to Rwanda appears to mark a shift in the relations between Kigali and Washington.  According to Ambassador Koran, his tenure will focus on democracy and human rights:

“The advancement of democracy and human rights are important components of our policy towards Rwanda, and one which the U.S. and Rwanda are committed to working closely together to achieve. We believe it is important for Rwanda to continue to develop and strengthen its democratic institutions, to ensure political space for the opposition and to promote a strong independent media. In this context, I look forward, if confirmed, to build on and expand our mutual efforts with Rwanda on these important issues. Through our USAID Mission we have funded democracy and governance programs to strengthen the justice sector, media, and civil society,”   he told US lawmakers and the press.

He also promises to put an emphasis to improving relations between Kigali and Kinshasa, while acknowledging that  Rwanda is at the heart of the instability on the region: "Rwanda continues to have a critical and proactive role to play in stabilizing the region." 

Don Koran will succeed a career diplomat, W. Stuart Symington who was selected by President George W. Bush and confirmed by the U.S. Senate on August 1, 2008. The United States maintains in Kigali an extensive and impressive embassy, ​​built on the site of a former military camp. Most of the US services including NGOs are based on the EMbassy premises.

He promises to continue the “US efforts to support economic and political progress. Rwanda’s development and stability are essential for its citizens and critical to the stability of Central Africa.”

© 2011. AfroAmerica Network.

Sources in Bukavu inform AfroAmerica Network that attacks by suspected Rwandan and Burundian rebels have intensified over the last weeks and getting closer and closer to the major cities of South Kivu, especially Fizi and Bukavu.

According to the sources, in the night of Saturday to Sunday, August 7, 2011, Rwandan and Burundian rebels allegedly attacked a vehicle carrying passengers and goods from the region to the town of Bukavu. Bukavu is the capital of South-Kivu province.  The attacked happened 15 km from the town of Fizi, at the usually busy road. In the attack, several people including FARDC soldiers were killed or wounded.  The injured, including at least  two soldiers, were rushed to the main hospital of the town of Fizi. The attackers looted the vehicle and the passengers.

Witnesses were quick to blame the Rwandan FDLR and Burundian FNL rebels. A coalition of FDLR and FNL has been operating in the area connected to the region surrounding Bujumbura, the capital of Burundi.

The apparently powerless local Congolese authorities called on FARDC commanders to do more to protect the communications exes and the passengers. However, given that the FARDC were also among the killed or injured, it is not clear how much else they could do.